-By LeN Parlimentary correspondent
(Lanka-e-News -09.July.2025, 8.55 PM) A bombshell exploded in the Sri Lankan Parliament today—not one of explosive material, but of damning revelations. MP Mujibur Rahman stood amid the din of debate and dropped a thread of names, networks, and narratives that hinted at an intelligence web far more complex than previously imagined. The story he told, though fragmentary, bears all the hallmarks of a geopolitical thriller: a fake death, a covert rescue, and a foreign hand pulling the strings.
At the heart of his speech lies a name the Sri Lankan public has nearly forgotten—or been forced to: Sara.
Official records, DNA reports, and public statements have long insisted that Sara, the wife of Easter Sunday mastermind Zahran Hashim, perished in a fiery explosion at a militant hideout in Sainthamaruthu in April 2019. But Mujibur’s revelation threatens to unravel that tidy official narrative. His claim is blunt: Sara never died. She’s alive—and she’s in India.
And she didn’t just walk away. According to Rahman, she was taken—by Sri Lankan military intelligence, on the orders of high-ranking officers still serving in the current government.
The official version of events goes like this: following the devastating Easter Sunday attacks that killed over 250 people, Sri Lankan security forces closed in on a suspected jihadist cell in Sainthamaruthu. When they arrived, a fierce exchange of fire took place, followed by a suicide bombing. Fourteen people were reported dead. Among them, allegedly, was Shaini, Zahran’s younger brother. Also dead, according to official documents, was Sara.
But Rahman’s statement in Parliament paints a chillingly different picture.
He quotes testimony from Hadiya, Zahran’s widow and a key witness in custody. According to her, Shaini did not die in the blast. In fact, she claims he survived the explosion, and even called out to her moments later: “Nena, come outside now.”
Then came the sound of gunfire.
Rahman’s rhetorical question cut through the political noise in the chamber: “Who fired those shots?”
If accurate, this isn’t just a contradiction in forensic records. It’s an indication that some suspects may have been deliberately silenced—perhaps to contain knowledge of the broader network behind the Easter plot.
Even more disturbing are Rahman’s allegations regarding Sara herself.
He claims that following the explosion, Hadiya heard Sara’s voice—alive and coherent. Sara, it appears, wasn’t a victim of the blast at all.
So what happened to her?
Rahman says that Major Subasinghe, a senior military officer, extracted Sara from the scene, and that this operation took place under the authority of then Eastern Command head, Major General Aruna Jayasekara—a man who currently serves as Sri Lanka’s Deputy Defence Minister.
The MP dared the government to respond. “Ask Major Subasinghe where he took her,” he said. “Sara didn’t die. She was taken. She is alive.”
Even more damning was his follow-up: the government, he claims, had a vested interest in declaring Sara dead. A third DNA report was commissioned under the previous administration to falsely confirm her death, he said, and the public was sold a fabricated conclusion.
But the cracks in the facade were already showing.
Rahman pointed to evidence that could collapse the official narrative entirely.
“In 2020,” he said, “a Mobitel SIM card was issued in Sara’s name.”
This detail is crucial.
If Sara had died in 2019, how was her identity used to acquire a mobile phone line the following year? DNA doesn’t lie, unless the DNA report was manipulated. If a new SIM card was issued under her identity, it indicates not only survival—but presence, coordination, and possibly communication with elements still embedded in the state structure.
More critically, this revelation implies state complicity in either covering up her survival—or worse, facilitating her disappearance.
As if the claims weren’t explosive enough, Rahman then pulled back the curtain on foreign intelligence involvement.
He referenced a figure known only by a codename: Abu Hind.
This name, he claims, was used by RAW (India’s external intelligence agency) during joint training operations with Sri Lankan military intelligence. According to Rahman, when RAW personnel trained Sri Lankan officers, they referred to one of their own operatives as Abu Hind.
Who is this mysterious figure?
Rahman challenged the media and the Parliament to investigate: “Find out who Abu Hind really is.”
He wasn't alone in raising suspicions of Indian involvement. Former Minister Nalinda Thissa had also gone on record saying Sara is currently in India. It’s a claim echoed by other opposition voices in hushed tones—too afraid to say it aloud, but too disturbed to ignore.
If true, the implications are staggering: was RAW aware of the Easter attack before it happened? Did they have an asset embedded within Zahran’s circle? And if they had foreknowledge—why wasn’t the attack prevented?
Rahman’s allegations are not isolated.
They dovetail with growing concern that a “parallel state” continues to operate inside Sri Lanka—a network of intelligence officers, former military personnel, political operatives, and possibly foreign agents, all working to suppress the truth about Easter Sunday.
In this network, official reports are doctored, witnesses are silenced, and entire bodies are made to disappear—sometimes literally.
The third DNA report that "confirmed" Sara's death is increasingly seen by critics as a forged document—one designed to bury questions and absolve senior military officers of any deeper accountability.
“The Easter attack,” one anonymous intelligence analyst told us, “was not just an act of terror. It was a pretext. A smokescreen for something far more orchestrated.”
What response came from the government following Rahman's statement? Deafening silence.
Neither Major Subasinghe nor Deputy Defence Minister Aruna Jayasekara issued denials. No clarification was offered on the 2020 Mobitel SIM. No rebuttal was given regarding Abu Hind.
The silence is telling. It’s not the silence of ignorance. It’s the silence of complicity.
In a healthy democracy, such revelations would trigger an independent inquiry. But in Sri Lanka, truth is not revealed. It is bartered.
Every revelation risks the collapse of an entire post-war mythos: that the state, reformed after civil war, was on a path to transparency. Rahman’s allegations challenge that belief at its core.
More than five years after the attack, Sri Lanka has yet to prosecute a single high-level military or intelligence official for dereliction of duty or complicity. The Easter Commission itself was heavily criticised for avoiding the intelligence chain of command.
Sara’s alleged survival changes the stakes. If she is alive—and in India—it not only exposes a state-sponsored extraction operation, but also a cover-up coordinated across two nations.
The geopolitical implications are severe. India, long seen as a regional stabiliser, may have far deeper involvement in Sri Lanka’s security affairs than previously admitted.
And for the victims’ families, the truth remains as distant as ever.
MP Mujibur Rahman’s speech may be remembered as the day Parliament finally stared into the abyss. But unless his claims are met with action—independent investigations, declassification of military records, and cross-border intelligence cooperation—Sri Lanka risks institutionalising the very darkness it claims to have overcome.
The public has a right to know:
Who was really behind the Easter attacks?
Was Sara rescued by the Sri Lankan military?
Who is Abu Hind?
What did India know—and when?
In a country where mass graves are no longer shocking, and truth is the most dangerous weapon of all, the question is no longer “what happened?” It’s “who wanted this to happen—and why?”
Until these questions are answered, the network behind the Easter Sunday massacre is still alive.
-By LeN Parlimentary correspondent
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by (2025-07-09 15:28:23)
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