By Sanjaya Dassanayake
(Lanka e-News – September 29, 2026, 11.45 PM) Coinciding with the International Book Fair held in September, the book titled *"Easter Attack-e Thottha Babala"* (The 'Innocent Babes' of the Easter Attack) authored by two young investigative journalists, Tharindu Uduwaragedara and Fazeer Mohamed, was released to the public on September 28. It appears that the current government has been compelled to see this investigation through to the end, largely due to the fearless presentation of factual information regarding the Easter attacks—shared via social media and websites—by young journalists such as Tharindu Uduwaragedara, Tharindu Jayawardana, and Fazeer Mohamed.
However, it remains to be seen how the future of the investigation will be affected by the fact that investigators from the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) who are in charge of the entire probe into the masterminds of the Easter attacks have overlooked a number of crucial investigative steps, whether deliberately or through oversight.
There appears to be no indication that anyone who frequently discusses the Easter attacks has paid attention to these matters. Consequently, it seems that in certain instances, the investigators have acted like naive novices when dealing with some powerful suspects.
Reportedly, the arrest of Major General Suresh Salley, the former Director of Military Intelligence and Director of the National Intelligence Bureau, on February 25, 2026, marks the most significant arrest made in this investigation to date. According to submissions made to the court by Additional Solicitor General Dilipa Peiris, representing the Attorney General, Suresh Salley is the "mastermind or operations chief" behind the Easter Sunday attacks. However, the conduct of investigators when arresting Salley, following an extensive investigation, suggests a level of naivety akin to that of "babes in the woods."
CID investigators informed the court that statements had been recorded from over 100 individuals prior to Salley's arrest. It goes without saying that this process was aimed at gathering the necessary grounds to legally establish that Salley was indeed the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday attacks—an event that shook the entire nation.
It can be inferred that the decision to arrest him was made only after information received by the investigators had confirmed, with 100% certainty, that he was the operations chief of the attack. The CID arrested Salley in Peliyagoda during the morning hours; at the time, he was reportedly en route to perform duties at Milinda Moragoda’s Pathfinder Foundation. It was reported that investigators took his mobile phone and laptop into custody at the time of his arrest.
It is a globally accepted security practice to search the home or place of residence of a suspect arrested in connection with any serious crime. For instance, when a high-profile drug suspect is arrested, thorough searches of their home and frequently visited locations have often led to the discovery of concealed narcotics, weapons, and cash. Items recovered during such searches serve as crucial judicial evidence that can be used against the accused in legal proceedings.
By failing to search Sale's residence—either at the time of his arrest or at any subsequent stage—investigators lost the opportunity to secure valuable evidence that could have been presented against him in this case. The evidence that could have been recovered might have included the passports allegedly used by Suresh Sallay, the mobile phones or computers he utilized, or any other significant evidence.
There is no doubt that Sallay’s passports constitute crucial evidence in this case. A primary argument put forward by Sallay’s lawyers and the politically bankrupt figures representing him is that he was not in Sri Lanka at the time of the Easter Sunday attacks or during the period immediately surrounding them. Many details regarding Sallay’s passports emerged during the court proceedings; it was revealed that he had used several passports under various names.
Karuna stated to the CID that it was Sallay who prepared a forged passport under the name "Kokila Dushamantha Gunawardena" to enable Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan—alias "Karuna Amman"—to flee to England. Consequently, had his home been searched, investigators could have gained insight into the passports Suresh Sallay used in his capacity as an intelligence officer. However, it is a matter worth reconsidering why investigators—who were aware that Sallay was the "mastermind" behind this grave mass killing—neglected to search his home immediately after arresting him.
According to current reports, statements regarding Suresh Sallay’s activities—specifically the periods he spent abroad and the times he returned to the country—have not yet been recorded from his family members. In any other case, there is no doubt that the police or investigative agencies would not only question the relatives of suspects but also arrest them on suspicion.
Yet, regarding the distinguished state official who is currently accused of dereliction of duty—and who, it could be argued, had no intention of orchestrating the bombings and killings carried out by the likes of Zahran, but who now faces the death penalty...
According to the pages of Suresh Salley's diplomatic passport submitted to the court, Salley had left India before the Easter Sunday attacks. Furthermore, following his arrest, he had informed investigators that he had returned his diplomatic passport to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. However, investigators had not verified with the Ministry whether the passport had indeed been returned—as Salley claimed—prior to the certified copies of the document being presented in court. Had such a verification been conducted, it could have been established that his statement was false.
Nevertheless, during the case filed by Suresh Salley in the Court of Appeal challenging his arrest and detention, President's Counsel Sanjeewa Jayawardena—appearing on his behalf—arranged for the very passport Salley claimed to have surrendered to the Foreign Ministry to be brought from his home and produced before the Court of Appeal. Representing the Attorney General's Department, Additional Solicitor General Suharshi Herath objected to the production of the passport—which the complainant had initially claimed not to possess—arguing that he was making false statements to the court. Consequently, had his residence been searched immediately upon his arrest, highly valuable evidence could have been uncovered.
The CID has repeatedly informed the court that investigators have been unable to access Suresh Salley’s mobile phone and laptop because he has refused to provide the necessary passwords. The court ordered him to hand over these passwords to the investigators, yet Suresh Sale has completely disregarded this order. Figures such as Gammanpila and Weerawansa, who frequently champion Sale’s cause, have claimed at media briefings that these devices cannot be handed over to the CID because they contain state secrets.
During the last court hearing, Salley's lawyer, Shavendra Fernando, stated that because Sale is an intelligence officer, he changes his passwords weekly. Consequently, the lawyer informed the court that at the time of his arrest, Sale had forgotten the passwords last used for his phone and laptop. It must be said that Lawyer Shavendra's explanation was akin to the "bag of gems received by Daisy Aachchi" [a reference to a tall tale]. However, the CID does not appear to be particularly eager or in a rush to unlock Sale's phone and computer to check for any secrets they might contain.
If there were a strong imperative to apprehend Sale—and those even higher up involved in the Easter Sunday attacks—the CID could seek assistance from a foreign security agency possessing advanced technology capable of bypassing passwords and extracting data from such devices. Perhaps because such an option exists, Additional Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris remarked during the last hearing, "If they don't provide it, we know how to get it." However, anyone examining the matter closely can see that the investigation against Sale is dragging on interminably—stretching out like rubber in an unimaginable manner.
One of many examples is the fact that Suresh Sale—who was not suffering from any critical illness—was kept hospitalized for over 100 days. Consequently, the CID was unable to subject him to any questioning during that period. Ultimately, at the request of Mr. Dilipa Peiris, the judge had to summon the Director of the National Hospital of Colombo to court. Senior Deputy Solicitor General Dilipa Peiris described this situation as a "medical conspiracy."
On April 3, 2019—before the Easter attacks—Senior Deputy Inspector General (SDIG) Nilantha Jayawardena, the then-Director of the State Intelligence Service, received information via Indian intelligence agencies indicating that Zahran’s group was preparing for a suicide attack. Nilantha Jayawardena immediately conveyed this information to his subordinate, Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Mallawarachchi. SSP Mallawarachchi summoned Sub-Inspector (SI) Ranjan Bandara—a junior officer under his command within the State Intelligence Service (SIS) who was responsible for investigating Islamic extremist groups and maintained contact with the Zahran group using the codename "Sonic-Sonic"—and instructed him to look into the matter.
Ranjan Bandara was the officer within the SIS tasked with handling matters related to Islamic extremist groups; by that time, he had already established close ties with Zahran's group in the Eastern Province. Acting on his senior officer's instructions, he travelled to Batticaloa on April 4th and met with a group that included one of Zahran's brothers; however, the CID reported to the court that he returned to Colombo without arresting any of the suspects. However, instead of arresting this police officer on charges of wilful dereliction of duty, the CID merely obtained a travel ban against him. This appears to be a case of locking the stable door after the horse has bolted. The reason for this situation is that several military officers, who were also subject to travel bans in this case, filed writ petitions in the Court of Appeal to prevent their arrest. This has been a primary factor directly contributing to the delay in the progress of the investigations.
It is now public knowledge that Senior DIG Nilantha Jayawardena, the former Director of National Intelligence, received advance information regarding the Easter attacks through Indian intelligence agencies. However, it has been revealed that, despite holding the position of National Intelligence Chief, he failed to take decisive action to prevent the attacks; instead, he merely sent letters and WhatsApp messages to subordinate and superior officers. Due to his dereliction of duty—which allowed the attacks to occur—he was found liable in six Fundamental Rights cases filed before the Supreme Court and ordered to pay 75 million rupees in compensation.
Investigations revealed that, following the Easter attacks, Nilantha Jayawardena deleted all data from his official mobile phone and personal computer. There are also serious allegations that Jayawardena reported all details regarding this attack to former President Sirisena and took steps to send Sirisena’s family to Singapore before the attack occurred.
The irretrievable deletion of data from his official telephone and computer—held in his capacity as the Chief of National Intelligence—is a matter of grave concern. It goes without saying that Suresh Sallay’s current claim of having forgotten the passwords to his mobile phone and laptop is merely an attempt to shield his master, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, just as Nilantha Jayawardena once shielded Maithri.
Separate investigations are currently underway regarding the failure to take prompt action on intelligence received by relevant police officers concerning containers of narcotics. However, many individuals who allowed the Easter attacks to take place and concealed crucial information remain at large.
Serious allegations were levelled against former President Maithripala Sirisena regarding the fact that he and his family were in Singapore when the Easter attacks occurred, and concerning his decision to bar individuals—such as Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, the then Inspector General of Police (IGP) Pujith Jayasundara, and the then Secretary to the Ministry of Defence Hemasiri Fernando—from attending Security Council meetings. Furthermore, the accusation that he failed to appoint an Acting Defence Minister before traveling to Singapore—despite holding the Defence portfolio himself—is significant.
No legal action has been taken regarding his unlawful appointment of Mahinda Rajapaksa to the office of Prime Minister. Additionally, he claimed to know the masterminds behind the Easter attacks and the reasons why they carried them out; yet, to date, no proper investigation has been conducted into these claims. The former President, who claimed he had not been informed of the attack beforehand, is also alleged to have pressured the Attorney General to file criminal charges solely against Pujith Jayasundara and Hemasiri Fernando—while sparing Nilantha Jayawardena, the then-Chief of National Intelligence (NIB), whom many describe as having been as close to him as "his own child." Former President Maithripala—who faces a multitude of such serious allegations—was also ordered by the Supreme Court to pay 100 million rupees in compensation for violating fundamental rights by allowing the Easter Sunday attacks to occur. However, there appears to be no indication that investigators or the Attorney General have taken any steps to investigate these allegations.
A few days after the Easter attacks, the Army received information via a Tamil Nadu intelligence service that a group of 16 individuals—including Zahran’s close relatives and young children—were hiding in a house in Sainthamaruthu, Batticaloa. Mr. Dilipa Peiris, appearing on behalf of the Attorney General, stated in court that there is a serious suspicion that the Army officers and troops who went to the location acted to annihilate the group, even though security forces could have arrested them alive. This is a very serious statement.
On the morning following the night Zahran’s relatives detonated suicide bombs at a house in the ‘Bolivarian’ Tsunami Village in Sainthamaruthu, Major General Aruna Jayasekara—then the Eastern Army Commander—visited the site and made statements to the media. He stated at the time that the Army had no prior knowledge of this attack. At that time, he also stated to the media that a T56 assault rifle found in the possession of an individual killed during an Army operation was the very weapon seized after the killing of the Vavunathivu police officers. Remarkably, the Eastern Commander—who had previously claimed the Army knew nothing about the Easter attacks—had identified the weapon before government forensic examiners had even inspected the scene.
It has now been revealed that Army intelligence units had received direct and advance information—via a Sri Lankan informant linked to a Tamil Nadu intelligence agency—regarding the activities of Zahran’s group, the killing of the Vavunathivu police officers, their preparations for a suicide attack, the detonation of a motorcycle, and the scheduled date and time of the suicide attack.
However, investigations have now uncovered that senior Army intelligence officers deliberately concealed the activities of Zahran’s group by misrepresenting them as LTTE actions when reporting to the Security Council. However, instead of promptly arresting the military officers responsible for these serious allegations, it appears they have been allowed to approach the Court of Appeal to prevent their arrest. Army Intelligence Colonel Kelum Maddumage is one such example.
The appointment of Special Task Force (STF) DIG Varuna Jayasundara as the head of the Terrorism Investigation Division (TID) came about through a peculiar conspiracy. In August 2018, an individual named Namal Kumara—claiming to be the Director of the Anti-Corruption Force—held a media briefing in Ampara and leveled a grave allegation: that DIG Nalaka de Silva, the then-head of the TID, was plotting to assassinate the then-President Maithripala Sirisena.
Claiming that this plot was being executed at the behest of the then-Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, he further alleged that Nalaka de Silva had conspired to kill Prasanna Alwis—a police officer loyal to the Rajapaksa family. As evidence, he presented an audio recording of a telephone conversation between himself and DIG Nalaka. Namal Kumara stated that the assistance of underworld leader Makandure Madush had been sought to carry out these assassinations.
By this time, DIG Nalaka Silva—who was in charge of the Police Terrorism Investigation Division—had obtained a court warrant to arrest the Muslim extremist group led by Zahran Hashim, following an extensive investigation. However, before Nalaka Silva could act to arrest Zahran's group, certain parties put Namal Kumara forward to publicize this conspiracy narrative. Namal Kumara, who maintained a relationship with Nalaka Silva as a police informant, also had close associations with individuals such as Deshabandu Tennakoon, Varuna Jayasundara, and Tiran Alles.
Ultimately, DIG Nalaka Silva was arrested by the police over these conspiracy allegations. Consequently, the arrest of Zahran's group was thwarted. Alleging that Prime Minister Ranil had conspired to assassinate him, President Maithripala removed Ranil Wickremesinghe from the premiership and appointed Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister. From October 26 to December 18, 2018—a period of 53 days—steps were taken to maintain an illegal government until the Supreme Court ruled the appointment of Mahinda as Prime Minister to be unlawful. During this time, Varuna Jayasundara was appointed as the new head of the Police Terrorism Investigation Division.
Subsequent investigations proved that the allegations levelled by Namal Kumara were false, enabling Nalaka Silva to be acquitted of the conspiracy charges brought against him; he was also reinstated in the police service. However, there appears to be no inclination on the part of the current government, investigative agencies, or the Attorney General's Department to bring to justice those who orchestrated the drama involving Namal Kumara—a scheme that instigated a grave unconstitutional conspiracy, led to the unjust imprisonment of a Deputy Inspector General of Police, and obstructed the arrest of the Zahran-led group responsible for the devastating Easter Sunday attacks.
Given the extreme sluggishness shown by investigators in arresting the Army intelligence officers (implicated by witnesses as having directly aided the Zahran faction), high-ranking police officers who destroyed evidence, and politicians, the public is now sarcastically remarking that it would be better to hand the task of finding the Easter attack's masterminds over to the "Bribery Commission" as well.
However, some—including the Cardinal and journalists who keep a constant watch on the Easter investigation—maintain that the inquiry is proceeding very well. Yet, as long as investigators and the Attorney General's Department remain slow to address the aforementioned issues, there is a high probability that key suspects in the Easter attack could flee the country or die under mysterious circumstances. Those closely following the matter are increasingly realizing that, rather than arresting these prime suspects, the process is effectively granting them time to evade the law.
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by (2026-09-29 21:29:43)
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